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Ikīno- in Germ. Lämmchen, Engl. ) and interpreting Arm. -xfrom *-h-k- by means of “preaspiration”. v. aɫiǰ ‘girl’), in aɫaɫak 25 particular the theory of “preaspiration” (on which see Olsen 1999: 773-775), is not convincing. According to D’jakonov (1971: 84; 1980: 359), aɫx “agnatisch verwandte Familiengruppe” and aɫaxin are borrowed from Hurr. *all-aḫḫe ‘household’ / ‘хозяйское’ > allae ‘Herr, Herrin’ or Urart. *alāḫə > alae ‘Herr, Herrin’ (cf. also Chechen æla ‘prince’, etc. [D’jakonov 1980: 103; Diakonoff/Starostin 1986: 50]).

See Pokorny 1959: 879). This etymon is now reconstructed as *solH- ‘dirt, dirty’, and the Hittite word is mentioned as a possible derivative of it [Mallory/Adams 1997: 160a]. See also Greppin 1983: 270; 1986: 283; Witczak 1999: 177. v. aɫt ‘dirt, filth’. J̌ ahukyan (1979: 23-24; 1987: 146, 190, 592; cf. 1970: 146) earlier suggested the same comparison, but he derives the Hittite and Armenian forms from PIE *selpo-: Skt. sarpíṣ- n. ‘molten butter, lard’, Germ. Salbe ‘ointment’, etc. This etymology is advocated by Olsen 1999: 37.

The explanation of Hübschmann and Ačaṙyan is therefore preferable. The reason for the twofold reflection of aɫawni remains unexplained. I propose to posit a productive i-derivation (which is frequent in particular with animal names), based on an older n-stem: *aɫaw-(u)n, gen. *aɫawVn > *aɫawi/un-i. g. Nor Naxiǰewan aɫvɛnik‘ vs. aɫunik‘ [HAB 1: 123a], Alaškert yɛɫvəneg vs. aɫunig (see above). g. Van yɛɫunik vs. Šatax yɛɫvənek. Note that *yeɫunek (< eɫōnek) cannot yield yɛɫvənek, pace M. Muradyan 1962: 42.

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