By Ann Coulter
The demon is a mob, and the mob is demonic. The Democratic get together prompts mobs, is determined by mobs, coddles mobs, broadcasts and celebrates mobs—it is the mob. Sweeping in its scope and incessant in its argument, Demonic explains the peculiarities of liberals as ordinary groupthink habit. to appreciate mobs is to appreciate liberals.
In her so much provocative e-book thus far, Ann Coulter argues that liberals express the entire mental features of a mob, for instance:
Liberal Groupthink: “The related mob mentality that leads another way law-abiding humans to hurl rocks at law enforcement officials additionally leads differently clever humans to refuse to think whatever they haven’t heard on NPR.”
Liberal Schemes: “No subject how mad the plan is—Fraternité, the ‘New Soviet Man,’ the grasp Race, the good breakthrough, the Cultural Revolution, construction a brand new Society, ObamaCare—a mob will think it.”
Liberal Enemies: “Instead of ‘counterrevolutionaries,’ liberals’ rivals are known as ‘haters,’ ‘those who search to divide us,’ ‘tea baggers,’ and ‘right-wing hate groups.’ in the meantime, conservatives name liberals ‘liberals’—and that makes them testy.”
Liberal Justice: “In the area of the liberal, as on the planet of Robespierre, there are not any crimes, purely criminals.”
Liberal Violence: “If Charles Manson’s fans hadn’t killed Roman Polanski’s spouse, Sharon Tate, Clinton might have pardoned him, too, and he’d most likely be educating at Northwestern University.”
mentioning the daddy of mob psychology, Gustave Le Bon, Coulter catalogs the Left’s mob behaviors: the construction of messiahs, the phobia of clinical innovation, the mythmaking, the choice for photographs over phrases, the inability of morals, and the informal include of contradictory principles.
Coulter lines the heritage of the liberal mob to the French Revolution and Robespierre’s revolutionaries (delineating a transparent contrast from America’s founding fathers), who easily proclaimed that they have been workout the “general will” ahead of slaughtering their fellow voters “for the nice of mankind.”
equally, as Coulter demonstrates, liberal mobs, from pupil radicals to white-trash racists to anti-war and pro-ObamaCare fans this day, have continuously used violence to enforce their suggestion of the “general will.”
this isn't the yankee culture; it's the culture of Stalin, of Hitler, of the guillotine—and the culture of the yank Left.
because the heirs of the French Revolution, Democrats have a background that involves pandering to mobs, repeatedly, whereas Republicans, heirs to the yank Revolution, have frequently stood for peaceful order.
Hoping to muddy this scary fact, liberals slanderously accuse conservatives in their personal crimes—assassination plots, conspiracy theorizing, political violence, include of the Ku Klux Klan. Coulter exhibits that in fact the other: Political violence—mob violence—is consistently a Democratic affair.
Surveying centuries of mob hobbies, Coulter demonstrates that the mob is usually harmful. And but, she argues, starting with the civil rights circulate within the sixties, americans have misplaced their ordinary, inherited aversion to mobs. certainly, such a lot americans don't know what they're even facing.
Only by means of spotting the mobs and their demonic nature can the United States start to safeguard itself.
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Additional info for Demonic: How the Liberal Mob Is Endangering America
2000). The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought. London: Harper Collins. Busch, B. (2014). Linguistic Repertoire and Spracherleben, the Lived Experience of Language. Working Papers in Urban Languages and Literacies, 145. London: King’s College London. Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble. New York: Routledge. Byram, M. (1997). Teaching and Assessing Intercultural Communicative Competence. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Byram, M. (2010). Linguistic and Cultural Education for Bildung and Citizenship.
A similar metaphor can be used to explore how language learners, in their explorations and imaginings of different cultures, also bestow new significance on their surroundings by reflecting them on the mirror of the self. Language learners can be seen as people whose moods and states of mind inflect their representations of the cultures that surround them. Whilst pragmatic approaches to language learning over the last 30 years or so have emphasised the instrumental aspects of language (Leung and Scarino 2016), creativity and the imagination are not alien to language learning.
If self-reflection and a heightened awareness of subjectivity is key in humanised language learning, nomadic philosophy helps us recast language learners’ identities as multiple and fractured figurations of the subject, that are made up of our imaginations and myth-making. Being a nomad is subverting a set of conventions that will define the nomadic state, not the literal act of travelling. By learning a new language, language learners engage in conjuring up new worlds, and in subverting their habitual intellectual surroundings and usual conventions LINES OF THOUGHT 31 Finally, I will draw in phenomenological philosophy and its theory of perception.