Peter. Pecker. Wiener. Dick. Schlong. Penis. no matter what we elect to name it, the penis is greater than only a physique half. This A-to-Z encyclopedia explores the cultural meanings, interpretations, and actions linked to the penis over the centuries and throughout cultures.
Scholars, activists, researchers and clinicians delve into the penis in antiquity, in paintings, in faith, in politics, in media, in song, and within the cultural mind's eye. They study the penis as an issue, a fetishized commodity, a weapon, an item of play. Penile décor and fashions—from piercings to koteka—are taken care of with equivalent dignity. rationalization of universal scientific phrases and not-so-common subcultural practices upload to the large scope of the booklet. Taken jointly, the Cultural Encyclopedia of the Penis deals fresh, considerate, and wide-ranging perception into this malleable, significant physique half.
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Additional resources for Cultural Encyclopedia of the Penis
The prospect of escaping from such odd conclusions by such an apparently simple move must have seemed very attractive. For the attempted escape from Quine’s paradox of the syndics to succeed, what the syndics actually did in thus tacitly agreeing to adopt the convention that the word table would stand for tables, and not chairs, would have to be thoroughly analyzed. The stroke of genius behind Lewis’s Convention was his realization that Thomas Schelling’s (1966) new ideas about “focal points” in “coordination games” could serve as the basis for a theory of how that might work.
Would the implied similarity between the domestication of items of culture, as humans allegedly do it, and sexual selection, as peacocks and peahens do it, have any observable consequences? In the preceding quotation, echoing his earlier remarks in The Variation of Animals and Plants Under Domestication, Darwin observed that the breeders of domesticated animals and plants, like animals that are the targets of sexual displays, seem to always prefer slightly exaggerated versions of characteristic and unusual features.
The meanings of words, in the Lewisian 30 Where Do Words Come From? theoretical framework that I’ll explain in chapter 2, aren’t unconscious verbal mannerisms; they’re rationally rejectable conventions. This suggests that acceptable grammar and the tacit or explicit deﬁnitions or senses of words must evolve by very diﬀerent processes. I think that’s true. Words jump horizontally between languages easily and routinely and are subject to conscious borrowing (Dixon 1997:19–27). The very existence of pidgin languages shows that new words are easier for human adults to consciously and intentionally learn than new grammar is.