Download Cults, Territory, and the Origins of the Greek City-State by François de Polignac PDF

By François de Polignac

How did the classical Greek urban come into being? What position did faith play in its formation? Athens, with its historic castle and vital non secular cult, has characteristically been the version for the emergence of the Greek city-state. yet during this unique and debatable research, Francois de Polignac means that the Athenian version was once most likely the exception, no longer the rule of thumb, within the improvement of the polis in historical Greece.Combining archaeological and textual proof, de Polignac argues that the eighth-century settlements that may develop into the city-states of classical Greece have been outlined as a lot by means of the limits of "civilized" area as by way of its city facilities. the town took form via what de Polignac calls a "religious bipolarity," the cults working either to prepare social house and to articulate social relationships being not just on the center of the inhabited quarter, yet at the edges of the territory. including the city cults, those sanctuaries "in the wild" pointed out the polis and its sphere of impression, giving upward push to the idea that of the country as a territorial unit certain from its acquaintances. Frontier sanctuaries have been as a result usually the focal point of disputes among rising groups. yet in different cases, specifically in Greece's colonizing expeditions, those outer sanctuaries can have facilitated the kinfolk among the indigenous populations and the settlers of the newly based cities.Featuring broad revisions from the unique French booklet and an up-to-date bibliography, this publication is vital for someone drawn to the historical past and tradition of historical Greece.

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Not every neighborhood problem becomes an issue for a neighborhood association. Those that capture the group's attention are ones that the most active members of the association perceive as threats to their quality of life in the neighborhood. And because the most active members are middle-class home owners within the neighborhood, their interests become the neighborhood's interests. Therefore, urban issues that neighborhood associations address are still class based, not cross-class issues as some contend (Castells 1983).

Although some ethnic organizations continue to provide help and support for their compatriots, it is much more difficult for labor organizations to influence the decisions of large corporations because capital is more mobile and corporations can easily move to places that offer more profitable opportunities. Most business decisions are made not on the local or plant level, but at a distance, at corporate headquarters. In addition, plant closings often force residents to move out of their communities to seek jobs.

Because neighborhood associations do not represent the unemployed and working poor, these neighborhoods need other community, labor, and religious organizations to force local governments to address questions of affordable housing, unemployment, and poverty. Page 10 The problem for low-income neighborhoods is that, while they have to create organizations with more appropriate strategies, how to do it is not at all obvious. If urban residents and their neighborhoods are to address urban issues in a meaningful way, they need to work toward changing the social structure, either through "radical" organizations (Davis 1991) or through cross-class alliances formed around residents' common desire to make cities better places for everyone (Castells 1983).

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