By Stefan Keine
This publication develops a unified concept of non-canonical case and contract styles that experience remained elusive to date. Drawing from quite a lot of typologically non-related languages, it units forth the declare that the phenomena lower than dialogue contain summary deletion operations which engage with different grammatical operations in complicated yet hugely systematic methods. This interaction is proven to offer upward thrust to possible non-related floor phenomena, hence integrating those phenomena inside of a extra normal framework of argument encoding
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Additional resources for Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist approach
43) WP i yy iii y ii y y ii y yy W XP yii yy iii y ii y y i yy X[F∶ ] YP yii yy iii y ii yy i yy ZP[F∶δ] Y’8 $$ 88 $$ $ 88 ... In (43), Agree between X and ZP violates the SCC because X=α, ZP=β, XP=Δ, and WP=Γ. Agree is hence barred. Thus, Agree, if possible, takes place before Merge. As a general background assumption concerning the working of the syntactic derivation I adopt the Inclusiveness Principle (44). (44) Inclusiveness Condition (cf. Chomsky 1995: 228) No new objects are added in the course of computation apart from rearrangements of lexical properties.
3 exemplifies the alternative: Standardly, the case feature is present, with a special process applying to non-human, non-specific objects. Only the latter view adheres to Inclusiveness. Consequently, (44) imposes strong restrictions on how marker alternations are to be analyzed. As for the structure of the clausal spine, I assume a standard C-T-v-V sequence with C and v being phase heads. Arguments of the verbs are introduced by functional heads (Marantz 1984, 1993, 1997, Hale and Keyser 1993, Kratzer 1996, Pylkkänen 2002, 2008, Borer 2005).
The same is assumed to hold for objects. The marker alternation only arises as a consequence of post-syntactic impoverishment. If certain conditions are met, an impoverishment operation deletes case subfeatures, rendering insertion of the highly specific markers -ne and -ko impossible (recount the definition of the Subset Principle (3) on page 8), therefore yielding a retreat to the general case: Only the non-specific zero marker fulfills the subset principle and is hence attached. Since under this view the phonological markedness of a marker correlates with its specificity in terms of morpho-syntactic features, this system conforms to iconicity.