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By Gerald P. Boersma

This booklet examines Augustine's early theology of the imago dei, ahead of his ordination (386-391). The ebook makes the case that Augustine's early notion is an important departure from Latin pro-Nicene theologies of snapshot just a iteration prior. The publication argues that even supposing Augustine's early theology of snapshot builds on that of Hilary of Poitiers, Marius Victorinus, and Ambrose of Milan, Augustine was once capable to Read more...

summary: This booklet examines Augustine's early theology of the imago dei, ahead of his ordination (386-391). The e-book makes the case that Augustine's early notion is an important departure from Latin pro-Nicene theologies of photograph just a iteration past. The ebook argues that even supposing Augustine's early theology of picture builds on that of Hilary of Poitiers, Marius Victorinus, and Ambrose of Milan, Augustine used to be in a position to verify, in ways in which his predecessors weren't, that either Christ and the human individual are a dead ringer for God. Augustine's Latin pro-Nicene predecessors understood the imago dei largely as a Christological time period designating a cohesion of divine substance. in line with the ebook, Augustine's early theology of picture has its preliminary departure no longer within the controversy of Nicaea yet, fairly, within the philosophical engagement of Plotinian metaphysics, during which all finite fact is a picture of final truth. For this practice, a picture don't need to suggest equality; a picture could be kind of like its resource. The ebook continues that Augustine's early writings describe Christ as a picture of equivalent likeness whereas the human individual is a picture of unequal likeness. A Platonic and participatory review of the character of "image" permits Augustine's early theology of a dead ringer for God to maneuver past that of his Latin predecessors and verify the imago dei either one of Christ and of the human individual

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Syn. 15; PL 10 492. 69. Syn. 15; PL 10 492: Atque ita in his paribus divinitatis bonis intelligitur neque ille minor esse, cum filius sit; neque hic praestare, cum pater sit: cum patri filius et coimaginatus ad speciem sit, nec sit dissimilis in genere; quia diversitatem substantiae geniti ex substantia patris filii similitudo non recipit, et omnem in se divinitatis paternae, qualis et quanta forma est, invisibilis Dei filus et imago complecitur: et hoc vere est esse filium, paternae scilicet formae veritatem coimaginatae in se naturae perfecta similitudine retulisse.

Using Proteus as an analogy of the incarnate Christ, Augustine overcomes the skepticism of the New Academy by affirming the possibility that the finite order can participate in and reveal infinite reality. In chapter VI I turn to consider Augustine’s early theology of the imago dei. The previously developed philosophical account of an image— which is “true” or revelatory inasmuch as it is not static and “unhinged” but exists by way of participation in the source that draws it to return to itself—is the ground of Augustine’s early theology of the imago dei.

46 That is, in the context of the Nicene crisis, Hilary permits discussion of a “visible God” under the rubric of the logos-sarx theology as it has developed from Tertullian. However, Hilary explicitly does not follow Novatian in interpreting Colossians 1:15 as the visible manifestation of the invisible God. Rather, more like Tertullian, Hilary interprets the image as eternally invisible and the Incarnation as only a temporal dispensation. I will focus on two significant topics in Hilary’s exegesis of Scripture that indicate the influence and development of Latin anti-Monarchian theology in Hilary’s thought: first, his development of Novatian’s “angel Christology”; and second, his re-articulation of logos-sarx theology in ways consonant with the faith of Nicaea.

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