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By Georges Dumezil

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Uncovering identity as voiced by the dominated actors themselves can be difficult. A phenomenon historian Murdo MacLeod pointed out regarding Afroiberians seems eminently true regarding Judeoconversos as well. In both cases personal identity 4 Cope, Limits of Racial Domination, 4; Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), chs. 4 and 8. 5 On the ‘invention’ of the Mulato, see Alencastro, Trato dos viventes, 345–53; Martínez López, “Limpieza de Sangre and the Emergence of the ‘Race/Caste’ System,” 211–17; Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, chs.

2 By the middle of the seventeenth century, perhaps some 15 percent had escaped their slave status by one means or another to become free. Female slaves, who often served their masters romantically or sexually, whether voluntarily or not, were manumitted more readily than male slaves. Whatever ethnic or national identities these men and women may have had back home—Fon, Mandinka, Ewe, Bantu, Mozambique, among others—in their new settings they became simply Africans, but more ubiquitously, negros, Blacks to their overlords.

1596) distinguished himself in his writings after the Morisco insurrection in Granada from the Morisco rebels, many of whom were Black. 25 Court records from colonial Mexico reveal further examples of such self-presentation. 26 These depictions of course bear a strong instrumental motivation, but also clarity about Spanish values and their importance. Place of birth also might bear social significance. C. M. Saunders, “The Life and Humour of João de Sá Panasco, o Negro, Former Slave, Court Jester and Gentleman of the Portuguese Royal Household (fl.

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